By withdrawing the plan in Chamber of Deputies on Friday, Topolanek (Civic Democrats, ODS) made an attempt to retreat, which, however, looked like a forced-upon headlong flight, Hanak writes. Topolanek was forced to backpedal in order to prevent the lower house's passing of the opposition's bill banning privatisation of university hospitals.
True, transformation is not the same as privatisation, but only a silly-billy would believe that the transformation of the hospitals is not meant as a step to precede their privatisation, Hanak Czech PM Topolanek has diabetes - press ...
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Cunek returns to govt after settling dispute with ForMin - PM ... writes. Topolanek's withdrawal is only temporary, however. Otherwise he would have supported it with the relevant guarantees such as the reappointment of Professor Pavel Klener [the transformation's critic] as the head of the Haematologic Institute, and an apology to faculties' heads for having been in advance ordered to prepare their hospitals' transformation, and also an apology to the coalition partners, the opposition and all citizens, Hanak writes. Nothing of that will happen, however. If the ODS succeeds in the autumn regional and Senate elections, Topolanek, along with Health Minister Tomas Julinek (ODS), will most probably come up with the hospitals' transformation again, Hanak writes. No wonder that the opposition does not trust Topolanek's latest vow, he says. The prime minister on Friday pledged to stop the transformation of university hospitals, but his far-reaching political statement unfortunately reflects but his own desperation, as officials at the Health Ministry knew nothing about such a decision, Martin Zverina writes in Lidove noviny. The question is whether such impulsive policy can help Topolanek's ODS. True, Topolanek has parried the opposition's attack for the moment, but what will he do tomorrow? Zverina asks. Will Topolanek take over as health minister? Or will the fulfilment of his promise be the same as in the case of the government-planned property settlement between the state and churches? Zverina asks, ironically alluding to the blockage of the latter key project by intra-ODS rebels. Czech PM Mirek Topolanek is right when admitting that it would make no sense for his coalition government to continue unless it overcomes the current internal turbulences, Jana Bendova writes in Mlada fronta Dnes. True, the Czech Republic "needs reforms, not a wrecked coalition vehicle aimlessly struggling along the government road for the next two years [until the next general election]," Bendova writes. It is unusual for prime ministers to openly voice pessimism this way. In addition, complaining and scepticism is not typical of Topolanek. What is behind his current "bad mood?" Bendova asks. First, the three-party governing coalition has now changed into a coalition of an unspecified varying number of particles, many of which are unpredictable, stubborn and spiteful. In such a situation, to reach consenus on anything is a miracle, Bendova says. Second, Topolanek is not the type of a strong leader who pushes through projects at any cost, she continues. Before the previous elections, experts said that Topolanek could be a good prime minister if he managed to form a good government team that he would coordinate rather than lead. However, his government is far from being such a team, Bendova writes. Third, Topolanek uses a psychological pressure against rebels in the coalition when he threatens to dissolve the government, as a result of which he says he might be replaced by Jiri Paroubek, chairman of the senior opposition Social Democrats (CSSD), Bendova writes. It is not ruled out that the government will collapse. Topolanek, nevertheless, keeps self-confident in spite of all warnings and of generally reigning scepticism, Bendova says.
(Ceske Noviny)
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